
           
		Summarised Sachar Report on Status of Indian Muslims
		Report of the Prime Minister’s 
		High Level Committee
		(headed by Justice Rajindar Sachar)
		on Social, Economic and Educational Status of the
		Muslim Community of India
		
		Summarised by Dr. Syed Zafar Mahmood
		
		The Milli Gazette
		
		13 December 2006
		
		While issuing notification during March 2005 the Prime Minister’s Office 
		had noted that there is lack of authentic information about the social, 
		economic and educational status of the Muslim community of India. The 
		PMO had observed that such lack of information comes in the way of 
		planning, formulating and implementing specific interventions, policies 
		and programmes to address the issues relating to the socio-economic 
		backwardness of this community. Hence, the Prime Minister’s High Level 
		Committee was mandated to obtain relevant information from departments / 
		agencies of the Central and State Governments and also conduct an 
		intensive literature survey to identify published data, articles and 
		research on relevant status of Muslims in India. The Committee was to 
		find out the asset base and income levels of Muslims relative to other 
		groups across various states and regions. It had to find out the level 
		of socio-economic development of Muslims in terms of relevant indicators 
		such as religious rate, drop out rate, MMR, IMR etc. What is their 
		relative share in public and private sector employment? Is this share in 
		proportion to their population in various states? If not, what are the 
		hurdles? The Committee was to find the proportion of OBCs from the 
		Muslim community in the total OBC population. Are the Muslim OBCs listed 
		in the comprehensive list of OBCs, prepared by the National and State 
		Backward Classes Commissions. What is the share of Muslim OBCs in the 
		total public sector employment for OBCs. The Committtee had also to find 
		out whether the Muslim community has adequate access to the education 
		and health services, municipal infrastructure, bank credit and other 
		services provided by the Government and public sector entities. This was 
		to be compared with the access enjoyed by the other communities. What is 
		the level of social infrastructure (schools, health centres, ICDS 
		centres etc.) located in areas of Muslim concentration in comparison to 
		the general level of such infrastructure. The Committee was to identify 
		areas of intervention by the Government to address the relevant issues 
		relating to the social, economic and educational status of the Muslim 
		community. 
		
		2. The Report which was presented to the Prime Minister on 17 November 
		2006 and was tabled in Parliament on 30 November 2006 has twelve 
		chapters. Chapter I is introductory. Chapter II talks of Public 
		Perceptions and Perspectives gathered by the Committee during its 
		widespread interaction with the people and their representatives while 
		it visited 13 most Muslim populous states and organized 5 Round Table 
		Conferences in Delhi. Chapter III deals with the population size, 
		distribution and health conditions of Muslims etc. In the subsequent 
		chapters the Committee has analyzed the educational condition of 
		Muslims, their economy and employment, their access to bank credits, 
		their access to social and physical infrastructure, their poverty level 
		and standard of living, their participation in government employment and 
		programmes and empirical situation of Muslim OBCs. There is a separate 
		chapter of Wakfs talking about economic potential of Wakf assets, 
		constraints regarding the fulfillment of Wakf objectives and suggestions 
		for overcoming such constraints. In the last chapter the Committee has 
		given its recommendations. 
		
		3. The Committee noted that the public opinion in India was divided on 
		reservation. Some argued that policies that promote equality must aim at 
		a substantive equal outcome, not merely formal equal or identical 
		treatment. Reservations or a separate quota for Muslims in employment 
		and educational institutions was viewed as a means to achieve this. 
		Others felt that reservations could become a thorny issue and have 
		negative repercussions. Still others argued that good educational 
		facilities combined with non-discriminatory practices are adequate for 
		Muslims to compete. Those who argued for reservation policies often 
		differed on who should be their beneficiary. Some argued that this 
		facility should only be available to ‘dalit’ Muslims, while others 
		suggested that the entire Community should benefit from it. For some an 
		economic criterion was an ideal basis for reservations. They felt that 
		this would fail to address the problem arising out of social 
		discrimination. There were voices that questioned the non-availability 
		of the Schedule Caste quota for Muslims while it was available to the 
		followers of three religions. 
		
		4. A large cross section of the people was of the conviction that 
		political participation and representation in governance structures are 
		essential to achieve equity. Many alleged that participation is denied 
		to Muslims through a variety of mechanisms. While it was pointed out 
		that many names of Muslims were missing in the voter lists of a number 
		of states, the Committee’s attention was also drawn to the issue of 
		Muslim concentration constituencies of Assemblies and Parliament 
		declared as reserved for Schedule Caste persons while constituencies 
		with very low Muslim population but high SC concentration remain 
		unreserved. Hence, it was argued that Muslims are being systematically 
		denied political participation. The Committee collected data from all 
		over the country in the light of which the second allegation regarding 
		reservation of constituencies was found to be correct. For the first 
		allegation the Committee did not collect any data. 
		
		5. In the field of literacy the Committee found that the rate among 
		Muslims was far below the national average. The gap between Muslims and 
		the general average is greater in urban areas and women. 25 per cent of 
		Muslim children in the 6-14 year age group have either never attended 
		school or have dropped out. Expansion of educational opportunities since 
		Independence has not led to a convergence of attainment levels between 
		Muslims and all others. Drop out rates among Muslims are higher at the 
		level of primary, middle and higher secondary. The Committee observed 
		that since artisanship is a dominant activity among Muslims technical 
		training should be provided to even those who may not have completed 
		schooling. The disparity in graduation attainment rates is widening 
		since 1970s between Muslims and all other categories in both urban and 
		rural areas. In premier colleges only one out of 25 under-graduate 
		students and one out of 50 post-graduate students is a Muslim. 
		Unemployment rate among Muslim graduates is the highest among all 
		socio-religious communities. Only 3% of Muslim children among the school 
		going age go to Madarsas. There is dearth of facilities for teaching 
		Urdu. Lower enrolment in Urdu medium schools is due to limited 
		availability of such schools at the elementary level. 
		
		6. The Committee found that Muslim parents are not averse to mainstream 
		education or to send their children to affordable Government schools. 
		But the access to government schools for Muslim children is limited. 
		There is non-availability of schools within easy reach for girls at 
		lower levels. Absence of girls hostels and female teachers are also 
		impeding factors. The changes in the educational patterns across the 
		various religious groups and communities suggests that the schedule 
		castes and schedule tribes have definitely reaped the advantages of 
		targeted government and private action supporting their educational 
		progress. This reflects the importance of affirmative action. The 
		sharper focus on school education combined with more opportunities in 
		higher education for Muslims seems desirable. Moreover, skill 
		development initiatives for those who have not completed school 
		education may also be particularly relevant for some sections of Muslims 
		given their occupational structure. 
		
		7. Bidi workers, tailors and mechanics need to be provided with social 
		safety nets and social security. The participation of Muslims in the 
		professional and managerial cadre is low. Muslim regular workers are the 
		most vulnerable with no written contract and social security benefits. 
		Muslim regular workers get lower daily earnings in both public and 
		private jobs compared to other socio-religious communities. Since a 
		large number of Muslim workers are engaged in self-employment, skill 
		development and credit related initiatives need to be tailored for such 
		groups. 
		
		8. The average amount of bank loan disbursed to the Muslims is 2/3 of 
		the amount disbursed to other minorities. In some cases it is half. The 
		Reserve Bank of India’s efforts to extend banking and credit facilities 
		under the Prime Minister’s 15-point programme of 1983 has mainly 
		benefited other minorities marginalizing Muslims. Muslim community is 
		not averse to banking and more improvements can be brought about with 
		specific measures. Inadequate targeting and geographical planning has 
		resulted in a failure to address the economic problems of Muslims in 
		rural areas. Some banks have identified a number of Muslim concentration 
		areas as negative geographical zones where bank credit and other 
		facilities are not easily provided. Steps should be introduced to 
		specifically direct credit to Muslims, create awareness of various 
		credit schemes and bring transparency in reporting of information.
		
		9. There is a clear and significant inverse association between the 
		proportion of the Muslim population and the availability of educational 
		infrastructure in small villages. Muslim concentration villages are not 
		well served with pucca approach roads and local bus stops. The 
		concentration of Muslims in states lacking infrastructural facilities 
		implies that a large proportion of the community is without access to 
		basic services. In both urban and rural areas, the proportion of Muslim 
		households living in pucca houses is lower than the total population. 
		Compared to the Muslim majority areas, the areas inhabiting fewer 
		Muslims had better roads, sewage and drainage and water supply 
		facilities.
		
		10. Substantially larger proportion of the Muslim households in urban 
		areas are in the less than Rs.500 expenditure bracket.
		
		11. The presence of Muslims has been found to be only 3% in the IAS, 
		1.8% in the IFS and 4% in the IPS. The share of Muslims in employment in 
		various departments is abysmally low at all levels. Muslim community has 
		a representation of only 4.5% in Indian Railways while 98.7% of them are 
		positioned at lower levels. Representation of Muslims is very low in the 
		Universities and in Banks. In no state does the representation of 
		Muslims in the government departments match their population share. 
		Their share in police constables is only 6%, in health 4.4%, in 
		transport 6.5%. There is need to ensure a significant presence of 
		Muslims especially in those departments that have mass contact on a day 
		to day basis or are involved in sensitive tasks. Targeted programmes are 
		required to be put in place. The coverage of Muslims in ICDS programme 
		is poor in most states. For the Maulana Azad Education Foundation to be 
		effective the corpus fund needs to be increased to 1000 crores. Total 
		allocation in the four years 2002 to 2006 for Madarsa Modernization 
		Scheme is 106 crores. The information regarding the Scheme has not 
		adequately percolated down. Even if the share of Muslims in elected 
		bodies is low they and other under represented segments can be involved 
		in the decision making process through innovative mechanisms.
		
		12. The Presidential Order of 1950 is inconsistent with Article 14, 15, 
		16 and 25 of the Constitution that guarantee equality of opportunity, 
		freedom of conscience and protect the citizens from discrimination by 
		the State on grounds of religion, caste or creed. 
		Most of the variables indicate that Muslim-OBCs are significantly 
		deprived in comparison to Hindu-OBCs. The work participation rate (WPR) 
		shows the presence of a sharp difference between Hindu-OBCs (67%) and 
		the Muslims. The share of Muslim-OBCs in government/ PSU jobs is much 
		lower than Hindu-OBCs. Out of every hundred workers about eleven are 
		Hindu-OBCs, only three are Muslim-Gen and one is a Muslim-OBC. The 
		monthly Per Capita Expenditure of Muslims is much lower than the 
		national average. Benefits of entitlements meant for the backward 
		classes are yet to reach Muslim OBCs. The condition of Muslims in 
		general is also lower than the Hindu-OBCs who have the benefit of 
		reservations. 
		
		13. There are about 5 lakh registered Wakfs with 6 lakh acre land and Rs 
		6,000 crore book value. But the gross income from all these properties 
		is only 163 crores i.e. 2.7%. The management of Wakf Boards is 
		unsatisfactorily due to inadequate empowerment of the State Wakf Boards 
		and Centreal Wakf Council. Encroachment of Wakf properties by the State 
		is a common practice. The attitude of the State Governments and their 
		agencies has resulted in large scale abrogation of the cherished 
		objectives of the Wakfs. Fresh institutional support is essential. A 
		number of Wakf properties have been acquired although compensation was 
		not paid. High legislative, administrative and judicial priority should 
		be accorded to Wakf matters in order to improve the management of about 
		five lakh properties across India. The Chairman and Members of the State 
		Wakf Boards can be selected from a list of eminent persons in each 
		state. The Government should create a new cadre of officers with 
		knowledge of Islamic law to deal with the specific affairs of the Wakfs 
		efficiently. A National Wakf Development Corporation and State 
		Corporations should be established. The lease period of Wakf properties 
		may be increased up to 30 years where the property is used for 
		education, health care and other purposes consistent with the objects of 
		the Wakf provided the lessee is a registered society or a registered 
		trust doing charity work. Wakf properties should be exempted from Rent 
		Control Act and Land Acquisition Act. Wakf Tribunal should be manned by 
		full time presiding officers appointed exclusively for Wakf purposes. 
		The Public Premises Eviction Act should be applied to remove 
		encroachments from Wakf properties. Failure on the part of the state and 
		statutory bodies entrusted with safeguarding Wakf properties has caused 
		disquiet in the Muslim community.
		
		
		Recommendations
		
		14. The Muslim community exhibits deficits and deprivation in 
		practically all dimensions of development. Mechanisms to ensure equity 
		and equality of opportunity to bring about inclusion should be such that 
		diversity is achieved and at the same time the perception of 
		discrimination is eliminated. Creation of a National Data Bank (NDB) 
		where all relevant data for various Socio Religious Communities are 
		maintained has been recommended along with an autonomous Assessment and 
		Monitoring Authority to evaluate the extent of development benefits 
		which accrue to different Socio Religious Communities through various 
		programmes. An Equal Opportunity Commission should be constituted to 
		look into the grievances of the deprived groups. A carefully conceived 
		nomination procedure should be worked out to increase inclusiveness in 
		governance. The Committee has recommended elimination of the anomalies 
		with respect to reserved constituencies under the delimitation scheme. 
		The idea of providing certain incentives to a diversity index should be 
		explored. Incentives can be related to this index so as to ensure equal 
		opportunities to all socio religious communities in the fields of 
		education, governance, private employment and housing. State 
		functionaries should be sensitive to the need to have diversity and the 
		problems associated with social exclusion. A process of evaluating the 
		content of the school textbooks needs to be initiated and 
		institutionalized. The UGC should evolve a system where part of the 
		allocation to colleges and universities is linked to the diversity in 
		the student population. To facilitate admissions to the most backward 
		amongst all the socio religious communities in the regular universities 
		and autonomous colleges, alternate admission criteria need to be 
		evolved. Providing hostel facilities at reasonable costs for students 
		from minorities must be taken up on a priority basis. Teacher training 
		should be compulsory ensuring in its curriculum the components which 
		introduce the importance of diversity and plurality. The teachers should 
		be sensitized towards the needs and aspirations of Muslims and other 
		marginalized communities. The states should run Urdu medium schools. 
		Work out mechanisms whereby Madarsas can be linked with a higher 
		secondary school board so that students wanting to shift to a regular 
		mainstream education can do so after having passed from a Madarsa. 
		Recognition of the Madarsa degrees for eligibility in competitive 
		examinations is desirable. The Committee recommended promoting and 
		enhancing access to Muslims in Priority Sector Bank Advances. The real 
		need is of policy initiatives that improve the participation and share 
		of the Minorities, particularly Muslims in the business of regular 
		commercial banks. The community should be represented on interview 
		panels and Boards. The underprivileged should be helped to utilize new 
		opportunities in its high growth phase through skill development and 
		education. Provide financial and other support to initiatives built 
		around occupations where Muslims are concentrated and have growth 
		potential.